Conclusion: National Conservatism and the 7 Ideas that Broke Britain
An Overview of the Dangerous Ideas and Structural Issues that Have Broken Britain
As we conclude our exploration of the ideas that have broken Britain, it becomes evident that these concepts have not merely existed in isolation but have coalesced into a new and dangerous pseudo-ideology. National Conservatism is a contemporary political movement that amalgamates traditional conservative thought with neoliberal economic policies, fervent nationalism, conspiratorial thinking, a propensity towards illiberal democracy, and a reactionary stance against progressive social movements. Figures such as Suella Braverman, Miriam Cates, Katherine Birbalsingh, Tucker Carlson, Michael Gove, Jacob Rees-Mogg, Douglas Murray, Viktor Orbán, Nigel Farage, and David Starkey are emblematic of this movement. Unlike traditional conservatism, which aims to preserve the status quo and existing institutions, National Conservatives assert they seek to bolster national sovereignty, uphold cultural and religious traditions, and foster social cohesion through the control of social institutions.
Our discussion began and ended with two uniquely British ideas: the notion that the Union is “precious” and that Britain is exceptional. These twin concepts have engendered an extraordinary sense of complacency in the UK, fostering a belief that things cannot possibly worsen, that the situation is never as dire as it seems, and that everything will be fine if only the 'right people' are in charge. This mindset conveniently ignores the growth of English nationalism and the increasing support for Irish reunification and Scottish independence.
English nationalism, once a fringe sentiment, has gained prominence by exploiting fears of immigration, EU influence, and economic decline. This nationalism is not just about identity but also about power and control within the UK, leading to a resentment of the devolution settlements in Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland. The Brexit vote epitomised this sentiment, as many English voters saw it as a way to reclaim sovereignty and reassert English dominance within the UK. And yet, the term ‘nationalist’ is rarely applied to the many English politicians who espouse such views.
Just as Britain's history is often filtered to fit either liberal or conservative narratives of supremacy and exceptionalism, the present is perceived in a way that downplays the structural issues plaguing the UK. This is epitomised by the reluctance of many opponents of the National Conservative movement to label British far-right politicians as such.
Take, for example, Nigel Farage and his Reform Party, which has faced criticism for fielding candidates who have shared racist memes, conspiracy theories, and climate change denial content. Their offences are numerous, including praising Adolf Hitler and arguing that the UK should have accepted his offer of neutrality, spreading Covid vaccine conspiracy theories, claiming Jews use Muslim immigration to destroy the UK, supporting the Great Replacement conspiracy theory, and endorsing Vladimir Putin's invasion of Ukraine as legitimate. An investigation even found that one in ten of Farage's candidates were "friends" with British fascist leader Gary Raikes, a former organiser for the British National Party.
Despite the extensive list of far-right policies and actions by the Reform Party, there remains a general unwillingness within UK politics and media to label the party as far-right. This stands in stark contrast to the relative readiness with which Farage's European allies are identified as far-right. This reluctance to call out far-right politics within the UK is a manifestation of British exceptionalism, reflecting a belief that Britain is immune to fascism and that Farage's growing popularity cannot possibly align with far-right causes because almost one in five Brits would never support such ideologies.
National Conservatism's rise is no accident; it has thrived in Britain due to the nation's deep-seated sense of preciousness, superiority, inherent goodness, and exceptionalism. These qualities have created a fertile ground for the movement, allowing it to take root and flourish amidst an environment that venerates tradition and resists critical self-examination. The growth of National Conservatism is the product of a meticulously orchestrated conservative ecosystem, comprised of neoliberal and Cultural Marxist think tanks, billionaire-owned media outlets, and political figures who draw upon cognitive biases and age-old beliefs to shape public opinion. Neoliberal think tanks, such as the Institute of Economic Affairs and the Adam Smith Institute, propagate free-market ideologies under the guise of common sense. Simultaneously, think tanks like Policy Exchange and the Turning Point UK push the Cultural Marxism narrative, framing progressive movements as threats to British values. These organisations are heavily funded by billionaires whose interests align with maintaining and exacerbating socio-economic inequalities.
The billionaire-owned media, notably The Times, The Telegraph, The Express, and The Daily Mail, play a pivotal role in propagating National Conservatism. They skilfully exploit cognitive biases—confirmation bias, in-group favouritism, out-group derogation, victim-blaming, status quo bias, and system justification—to reinforce existing prejudices and cultivate new fears. This manipulation primes the British public to embrace more extreme conservative ideologies. For example, the belief in a just world, where individuals get what they deserve, rationalises inequality and stifles empathy for the disadvantaged. Similarly, the entrenched notion that ‘some people are better than others’ sustains a societal tolerance for inequality. Institutions like the aristocracy, elite private schools and the House of Lords, vestiges of feudal privilege, are often perceived as quaint traditions rather than as affronts to equality and democratic principles. Additionally, the First Past the Post electoral system, which perpetuates two-party dominance and marginalizes smaller voices, is seen as a quirky feature of British democracy rather than a serious democratic flaw.
Through strategic framing, selective reporting, platforming think tanks, and sensationalism, these media outlets effectively condition the public to accept increasingly extreme conservative ideologies, embedding them deeply within the societal fabric.
Britain's class-based structure makes it particularly susceptible to New Conservatism. The dominance of privately schooled individuals in media and politics creates a feedback loop where conservative ideas are both generated and amplified within a narrow elite circle. This group, steeped in traditions of hierarchy and privilege, becomes the primary vector through which these ideologies are injected into the mainstream. While these people may not be as wealthy as the billionaire media barons, party patrons and think-tank funders, they often idolise the mega-wealthy. The conversion of a critical mass of the privately schooled elite was a pivotal step in the spread of New Conservatism. This elite class, often shielded from the realities of socioeconomic inequality, finds neoliberal and hierarchical ideas natural and justifiable. As these individuals occupy influential positions in media, politics, and business, their acceptance and promotion of conservative ideas ripple through society, shaping public discourse and policy.
The persistence of New Conservatism is a testament to the power of entrenched ideas and the structures that support them. To counter this movement, it is essential to challenge the myths that sustain it. This means promoting a more inclusive and accurate understanding of British history and identity, advocating for democratic reforms, and fostering a culture that values transparency, equality and empathy over hierarchy, authority and privilege.
The safety and prosperity of the UK and its members depend on recognising and addressing the fractures caused by the 7 dangerous Ideas of New Conservatism. By confronting these issues head-on, Britain can move towards a more equitable and cohesive future, where the values of justice, solidarity and democracy are not just rhetorical ideals but lived realities.